This paper reviews the difficulties encountered when attempting to study social change by comparing data from successive censuses, and describes a system designed to provide integrated online access to data from the 1971, 1981 and 1991 Censuses in Great Britain at .
Research has indicated that people moving towards neighbourhoods with disadvantaged socio-economic status have poor health, in particular mental health, but the reasons for this are unclear. This study aims to assess why people moving towards more socio-economically deprived areas have poor mental health. It focuses upon the role of difficult life events that may both trigger moves and damage mental health. This study investigates how mental health and socio-spatial patterns of mobility vary between people moving following difficult life events and for other reasons.Longitudinal analysis of British Household Panel Survey data describing adults' moves between annual survey waves, pooled over ten years, 1996-2006 (N=122,892 observations). Respondents were defined as 'difficult life event movers' if they had experienced relationship breakdown, housing eviction/repossession, or job loss between waves. Respondents were categorised as moving to more or less deprived quintiles using their Census Area Statistic residential ward Carstairs score. Mental health was indicated by self-reported mental health problems. Binary logistic regression models of weighted data were adjusted for age, sex, education and social class.The migration rate over one year was 8.5%; 14.1% of movers had experienced a difficult life event during this time period. Adjusted regression model odds of mental health problems among difficult life event movers were 1.67 (95% CI 1.35-2.07) relative to other movers. Odds of difficult life events movers, compared to other movers, moving to a less deprived area, relative to an area with a similar level of deprivation, were 0.70 (95% CI 0.58-0.84). Odds of mental health problems among difficult life event movers relocating to more deprived areas were highly elevated at 2.40 (95% CI 1.63-3.53), relative to stayers.Difficult life events may influence health selective patterns of migration and socio-spatial trajectories, reducing moves to less deprived neighbourhoods among people with mental illness.
Emergency Medical Services (EMS) play an essential role in saving lives and improving health outcomes by offering immediate medical care to individuals who experience sudden illnesses or injuries. A complete EMS journey consists of two related trips: one from an EMS station to a scene (Trip 1), and the other from a scene to a definitive care location (Trip 2), where the service is coordinately provided by two types of facilities: EMS stations/ambulances and emergency centers (e.g., trauma centers or stroke centers) that are often affiliated with general hospitals. Current work on EMS location optimization considers only one trip (Trip 1 or Trip 2) which ignores the coordination between EMS stations and emergency centers, or the overall trip alone that overlooks the response time requirement. This paper proposed a spatial optimization model, the maximal coverage location problem based on joint coverage (MCLP-JC), for siting EMS stations and emergency centers simultaneously with a consideration of the two related trips. An empirical study of stroke center planning in Wuhan, China, is implemented to compare the proposed approach with the maximal coverage location problem based on overall coverage (MCLP-OC). The results demonstrate that the MCLP-JC can ensure more people being able to receive the first care from an ambulance within the response time requirement, which is critical to subsequent treatment at emergency centers and the odds of survival. The findings from the two scenarios regarding service relocation and expansion offer insights for future health facility planning.
Socioeconomic deprivation accounts for much of the spatial inequality in health in the UK, but a significant proportion remains unexplained. It is highly likely that the physical environment is a key factor in this unexplained variation. The role of the socioeconomic environment in health inequalities has been studied using small-area measures of multiple socioeconomic deprivation that capture the burden of socioeconomic adversity. Although similar composite measures of the physical environment would greatly assist investigations of environmental determinants of health no such measures are available. In this study we developed two small-area measures of health-related multiple physical environmental deprivation for the UK. A thorough review and evidence appraisal process was used to identify health-relevant dimensions of physical environmental deprivation. As a result we selected both health-detrimental (air pollution, cold climate, industrial facilities) and health-beneficial (ultraviolet radiation and green space) dimensions. Datasets describing each of the selected dimensions were acquired, and rendered to UK Census Area Statistics wards ( n = 10 654, average population = 5518). We developed two summary measures: the multiple environmental deprivation index (MEDIx) and classification (MEDClass). MEDIx, on an ordinal scale, can be used to distinguish areas exposed to greater or lesser environmental deprivation. MEDClass groups areas with similar environmental characteristics and will be useful for exploring health effects of specific types of environment. Mapping these measures demonstrated a wide variation in physical environmental deprivation across the UK. MEDIx revealed greater environmental deprivation in urban and industrial areas, and at more northerly latitudes. Although created using a different methodology MEDClass also differentiated these environmental types. We concluded that it is possible to capture and characterise multiple attributes of health-related physical environmental deprivation in the UK, at a small area level. The measures we developed offer opportunities to researchers and policy makers for developing our understanding of the role of exposure to multiple dimensions of physical environmental deprivation on health outcomes.
Urban parks provide a multitude of health benefits for citizens navigating the challenges of 21st-century living. And while this is well known by both scholars and practitioners, there is less understanding about the differential impacts of park size, type of facilities, community accessibility, and management. This is the central concern of the research reported here, which is a part of a larger project titled ‘Better Parks, Healthier for All?’ funded under the UKRI-NHMRC Built Environment and Prevention Research Scheme 2019. Within this broader context, the current paper discusses the results of a focus group to better understand how different park qualities promote physical and mental health. Using a COVID-safe research approach, we brought key park providers, park policymakers, and green and open space designers from New South Wales, Australia, together to participate in an online focus group in May 2021. The recruitment was based on the domain expertise and practitioner knowledge of the issues at hand. The ensuing discussion canvassed three areas of interest: What is park quality? How is park quality associated with health? How can we assess park quality and its ability to deliver health outcomes? A thematic analysis of the group’s deliberations reveals a very holistic appreciation of park quality. The ability of a park network to provide a range of health outcomes is central to this view, with each park playing a role in delivering different benefits across the network. Our findings indicate that there are many opportunities to enhance the myriad of benefits and multiple ways to gain them. Co-design is essential to ensure that parks best suit the local context and provide relevant benefits to all stakeholders. In this way, local communities can gain ownership and enhanced agency in relation to using and enjoying their parks. We conclude that delivering locally networked parks and associated spaces for community health and wellbeing are essential in the broader context of global environmental sustainability.
In this paper the authors address the problem of interpreting and classifying aggregate data sources and draw parallels between tasks commonly encountered in image processing and census analysis. Both of these fields already have a range of standard classification tools which are applied in such situations, but these are hindered by the aggregate nature of the input data. An approach to ‘unmixing’ aggregate data, and thus to revealing the nature of the subunit variation masked by aggregation, is introduced. This approach has already shown considerable success in Earth Observation applications, and in this paper the authors present the adaptation and application of the approach to Census small area statistics data for Southampton, Hants, revealing something of the social composition of Southampton's enumeration districts. The unmixing technique utilises an artificial neural network.
A growing body of empirical evidence is revealing the value of nature experience for mental health. With rapid urbanization and declines in human contact with nature globally, crucial decisions must be made about how to preserve and enhance opportunities for nature experience. Here, we first provide points of consensus across the natural, social, and health sciences on the impacts of nature experience on cognitive functioning, emotional well-being, and other dimensions of mental health. We then show how ecosystem service assessments can be expanded to include mental health, and provide a heuristic, conceptual model for doing so.
The 1991 UK Decennial Census missed about 1.2 million people. These missing individuals present a serious challenge to any census user interested in measuring intercensal change, particularly amongst the most marginalised groups in society who were prominent amongst the missing population. Recently, a web-based system for accessing census data from the 1971, 1981, and 1991 censuses was launched ( www.census.ac.uk/cdu/lct ). The ‘LCT’ package also provides access to a set of 1991 small area statistics (SAS) which have been corrected to compensate for the missing million. The authors explain the methods used for adjusting the SAS counts, provide examples of the differences between analysis with the adjusted and unadjusted data, and recommend the use of the new data set to all those interested in intercensal change.
Understanding persistent and increasing spatial inequalities in health is an important field of academic enquiry for geographers, epidemiologists and public health researchers. Delivering robust explanations for the growing spatial divide in health offers potential for improving health outcomes across the social spectrum, but particularly among disadvantaged groups. One potential driver for the increasing geographical differences in health is the disparity in exposure to key characteristics of the physical environment that are either health promoting or health damaging. While the framework of 'environmental justice' has long been used to consider whether disadvantaged groups bear a disproportionate burden of environmental disamenities, perhaps surprisingly, the research fields of environmental justice and health inequalities have remained largely separate realms. In this paper we examine the confluence of environmental characteristics that potentially function as key mechanisms to account for the socio-economic gradient in health outcomes in the UK. We developed the Multiple Environmental Deprivation Index (MEDIx), an area-based measure that represented the multiple dimensions of health-related environmental disamenities for census wards across the UK. By comparing the index to an area measure of income deprivation, we found that, at the national level, multiple environmental deprivation increased as the degree of income deprivation rose. Using mortality records we also found that MEDIx had an effect on health that remained after taking into account the age, sex and socio-economic profile of each area. Area-level health progressively worsened as the multiple environmental deprivation increased. However, this effect was most pronounced in least income-deprived areas. Our findings emphasise the importance of the physical environment in shaping health, and the need to consider the social and political processes that lead to income-deprived populations bearing a disproportionate burden of multiple environmental deprivation. Future research should simultaneously consider the 'triple jeopardy' of social, health and environmental inequalities.